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Information
& Training Seminar for Diplomats

28th September - 5th October, 1996
Papers
THE
EURO-MEDITERRANEAN PARTNERSHiP: FREE TRADE AND ECONOMIC TRANSITION
Speech
by Marc Pierini, European Commission
1.
Introduction
The
Euro-Mediterranean Partnership initiated by the Barcelona Declaration
of 27 November 1995 is an ambitious and complex , multifaceted political
project. Indeed, of its three baskets (political and security, economic
and financial, cultural and human), the best known is the economic
and financial basket.
Why is it so ?
First,
because the economic, commercial and financial field was virtually
the only one in which, since 1976, Europe and the Mediterranean
countries had accumulated expertise,
Second,
because most of the Southern neighbors of the Union are developing
countries for which partnership with Europe is first and foremost
an opportunity for accelerated progress.
Finally,
because the Union's Heads of State and Government, even before the
content of the Partnership had been completely agreed with Mediterranean
countries, allocated to it a very substantial volume of finance.
Yet,
it is not easy to understand why the Union and its 12 Mediterranean
Partners have chosen two main avenues for implementing the economic
basket of the Partnership introducing free trade and supporting
economic transition processes.
These
are the two elements are explained hereafter.
2.
The economic and commercial context
It
is commonplace to say that Euro-Mediterranean trade relations are
more important from a Southern point of view than from a Northern
point of view.
As
a matter of fact, the 12 Partners represent a mere 8 % of EU world
exports and 6 % of its world imports. Conversely, exports to the
EU represent an average 50 % of the 12 Partners' world exports (and
up to 2/3 for Maghreb countries and 3/4 for Malta) while imports
from the EU represent 49 % of their world imports.
In
other words, the European market is very important, if not vital
for Mediterranean countries, while the Mediterranean market is relatively
limited for the EU which, globally speaking, does have a strategic
stake in it.
Hence
a certain asymmetry in the negotiations towards Association Agreements:
Southern countries are tempted to seek primarily trade advantages
while the Union, which has no major trade interest at stake, is
essentially seeking to ensure accelerated economic and social modernization
of the Southern Partners.
3. The European Union's offer
With
the exception of Cyprus and Malta -already associated with the EU
and on the way to accession- and of Turkey -which has entered a
customs union with the EU- , most Mediterranean Partners have entered
Association Agreements with the EU or are in the process of negotiating
or preparing such agreements.
What
has the EU to offer to these countries ?
The
EU aims at one single goal, i.e. to incorporate the economies of
the countries concerned in a vast Euro-Mediterranean economic area
encompassing the Union, EFTA countries, Eastern and Central European
countries and the Mediterranean Partners.
This
offer contains two complementary aspects:
--
the gradual introduction of industrial free-trade, i.e. the granting
by the Mediterranean Partners of an asymmetrical free access as
reciprocity for the free access which they already enjoy on the
European market; and the largest possible liberalization of a 'cultural
trade using as best as possible existing margin of progress;
--
the support to economic transition processes aimed at improving
economic policies, at developing the private sector, at making European
private investment more dynamic and at improving economic infrastructure.
The
experience in recent decades has shown that introducing free-trade
between neighboring countries could help in reinforcing economic
ties through increased investments, transfers of know how and technology
and through various forms of business cooperation.
4.
Free-trade : miracle cure or major risk ?
What
is the real impact of introducing free-trade is it a miracle cure
or, to the contrary, a major risk of economic destabilization ?
The
question is worth asking in a strait forward manner because there
actually is, if one is not prudent, a risk of an adverse effect
in cases where tariff dismantling in favour of industrial goods
imported from the EU by Partner countries would be to quick or indiscriminate.
It is precisely to counter this risk that Association Agreements
include a stretching of tariff dismantling over time, exceptions
and safeguard clauses.
However,
we should refrain from considering the introduction of free-trade
as the sole and essential goal of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership.
Free-trade, in economic terms, is much more of a tool than an objective.
Its usefulness is first to constitute a powerful incentive to raising
competitiveness levels in the region's economies. World experience
demonstrates that, without the challenge of competitiveness, economies
do not make progress.
The
second virtue of free-trade is the signal of economic integration
to the EU that it gives to private investors, both domestic and
foreign: here too, it is a powerful incentive, in particular for
what concerns processing operations. The example of the textile
and garments sector is very eloquent in this respect.
The
third virtue of free-trade will show when more agreements will be
concluded between Mediterranean Partners themselves (today it is
the case only between Israel and Turkey) allowing for better complementarily
between their economies. The acceptation by the EU of cumulative
origin would encourage this evolution.
Also,
it is worth recalling here that the EU twins the tariff dismantling
process with substantial support to accompanying economic measures,
structural adjustment, economic transition measures, training, etc..
The countries concerned are thus not left facing the dry logic of
free-trade, but are offered a well balanced package of accompanying
measures.
In
the end, the road to increased competitiveness for many Mediterranean
countries, as well as their better participation in the world economy,
is depending on their degree of openness to industrial imports from
the EU. So is, in the medium term, their performance in terms of
job creation and social progress. Naturally, a number of other measures
are necessary to reach these goals: liberalization of capital movements,
improvement in product quality, investment protection. Trade liberalization
is closely linked to the process of economic transition.
5.
Which kind of support to economic transition ?
Today,
it is largely accepted that rapid and sustainable growth is facilitated
by the development of an open and competitive market economy. This
process of trade liberalization and competitiveness reinforcement
is called "economic transition". It is precisely this
process that the EU has offered to support, both technically and
financially, in the Mediterranean Partners.
There
is no "miracle cure" for economic transition, each country
constituting a specific case. This is why, instead of a single "menu",
the EU is offering a range of supporting measures including among
others:
-
reform of administrative and legislative frameworks, institution
building;
-
trade promotion, harmonization of norms;
-
promotion of direct European investment;
-
financial sector development, including central bank reform, commercial
bank enhancement, development of financial markets; - development
of business services through the creation of "business centres"
specializing in advising companies;
-
reinforced cooperation between European and Mediterranean businesses;
-
support to privatization processes and to the introduction of private
management norms; enhancement
of economic infrastructures.
Operations
of this type launched in 1995 and 1996 presently amount to some
Ecu 900 million for the 12 Mediterranean Partners. An exhaustive
inventory will be published soon.
Technical
and financial support to economic transition activities is not the
only form of cooperation offered by the EU. One should also take
into account the creation of communication and collaboration networks
between technical operators performing similar functions: banks,
chambers of commerce, industrial federations, trade fairs, export
promotion boards, energy operators, economic analysis centres, statistical
institutes, etc.
Finally,
one should mention the substantial provision of European know-how
which has been accumulated in the EU building process : economic
policy making, privatization, information society, maritime transports,
etc.
6. Conclusion
When
looking at the content of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, one
should remember its global nature, both political, economic and
cultural. These three dimensions are, in the concept which was adopted
in Barcelona, not dissociable. In fact, they are mutually reinforcing.
For example, the existence of a framework for discussing political
and security issues between the Union and the Mediterranean Partners,
both bilaterally and regionally, is a positive factor with regard
to private European investment in the region.
It
would therefore be erroneous to gauge the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership
at its mere economic dimension, or even worse at its free-trade
dimension.
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